Today marks 60 years of life of Professor Aleksandr Dugin, one of the greatest philosophers alive today, herald of a new philosophical path that denies the darkness of globalist civilizational decadence to announce the possibility of a new rebirth of peoples, cultures and civilizations. Dugin, the world’s most dangerous philosopher, the only intellectual to date to be formally sanctioned by the US government, should be studied by all of us.
On Christmas Day, January 7, 2022, Alexander Dugin will mark his 60th birthday. The anniversary figure looks incredible against the backdrop of the sheer number and, more importantly, the quality of his books, articles, lectures, and speeches over the past three decades. What can I know, as a member of the next generation born under Gorbachev and as a contemporary of the sons of Aleksander Dugin, about the time of the “Yuzhinsky Circle”, the initiatives in the perestroika of the “Pamyat” society and the early years of Arktogaia with just the words of my veterans, about this round date and about the person who is celebrating his birthday without flattery and without falling into banalities?

The main thing I learned in the ten years of occasional communication with Aleksander Dugin is that, first of all, he is a true philosopher by vocation and style of thinking. Yes, he is also a poet, a composer, an internationally recognized expert on politics and geopolitics, whose knowledge and predictions are often brilliantly vindicated. But all these are only derived from the root of his thought, which is emphatically philosophical. Dugin is a philosopher par excellence, as one of his teachers, Yevgeny Vsevolodovich Golovin was a poet par excellence.
Aleksander Dugin is one of the very few people in modern times in Russia and in the world whose thinking is profoundly independent of his first steps. In the early 1980s, he recorded his first philosophical insights in a hitherto unpublished manuscript, The Templars of the Other, extracts from which, however, have become known in recent years. And these fundamental insights into the structure of space and man (in line with the revelations of Yuri Vitalievich Mamleev, but quite independent in their origin) and the impossible and inevitable mission of the Radical Subject within him still form the basis of all his most advanced constructions. complex.
Alexander Gelyevich’s efforts in this direction were summed up by the US State Department’s imposition of sanctions in 2014 against the philosopher, who has never held any public office, and against a number of young people without connections or influence, sometimes lost in remote dwellings. It was they, not the bureaucrats and political scientists, that was rightly seen in Washington as the main threat to Atlanticist hegemony on the planet. It was Aleksander Dugin who was publicly recognized as an equal and extremely dangerous opponent by the late Zbigniew Brzezinski, as well as by George Soros and Bernard-Henri Levy, as they deeply despised and disrespected their own lackeys.

Since then, Aleksander Dugin has acquired enormous scholarship in the history of world philosophy, mastering the depths of Guénon and Heidegger, Schelling and Brentano, Plato and Aristotle, Porphyry and Erigena. But all the grandiose apparatus of these great thinkers only allowed him to develop to the end the potential that Dugin possessed deep within himself already in his youth. The decades that followed became for him a time of continuous mastery of the riches of world philosophy and of understanding where at times Soviet and Russian researchers saw nothing or understood nothing (eg Heidegger) in a totally wrong and inadequate way. What could these ignorant intellectuals know about the path of the philosopher who, according to Dugin, always has war in his soul?

For a long time, however, Dugin’s personal path as a thinker developed independently and partially parallel to the mainstream Russian classical philosophy of the 19th-20th centuries, but out of his knowledge of the writings of the Eurasianists and their Finis Mundi series. , in the 1990s these two paths began to converge, and in his writings of recent years, the contemporary figure has largely revealed the meaning of Russian thinkers (both quasi-philosophers and some little-quoted real philosophers, without quotation marks, such as Father Pavel Florensky ) and brought them closer to their own understanding of ancient, European and Asian philosophy. In this regard, Dugin’s article “Sophiology as an Idea of ​​the New Revolutionary Elites” and especially the last book of the 28-volume work “Noomaquia” on the Russian Logos, “Images of Russian Thought. The Solar Czar, Sophia’s Brilliance and the Underground Rus”. Sophiology, Eurasianism, geopolitics, classical traditionalism, Platonism, and phenomenology meet and merge in the visionary synthesis that has become the entelechy of previous centuries of Russian thought.
we can say with certainty that the task that the poet Vyacheslav Ivanov defined as the combination of the “native and the universal” (and in which he himself had little success) was solved quite convincingly by Aleksander Dugin. His idea is very Russian – and at the same time global, which has made him famous and popular even in the most distant countries.
Russian means Eurasian. Here is another obstacle and temptation for the faint-hearted who dare not pronounce the fate of historic Russia as Inner Eurasia, Northern Eurasia – and Eurasia as a continent in the broadest sense. There is no doubt that Eurasianism has strong roots in Russian thought. It was already present with Konstantin Leontiev and Vladimir Lamansky and acquired its classical form a century ago in the circle of emigrants from Trubetskoy, Savitsky, and Karsavina. However, it should be remembered that when the Soviet Union collapsed, all that remained of Eurasianism were its founders’ texts and memoirs. There was no living Eurasianism: some of Lev Gumilev’s personal students did not and could not claim the formation of a political movement. The weight of a serious ideological restructuring of Eurasianism according to the demands of the new era of the late 20th century, its institutionalization, the firm establishment of Eurasian geopolitics on the platform of the foreign geopolitical classics of continental thought fell on Aleksander Dugin. In the few years after the 1991 catastrophe, he was able not only to establish a party and then a social movement but to literally impose his agenda (albeit in a limited way) on the CIS leaders and make influential allies in Europe (and now in other countries). parts of the world).
there is inevitably a problem of perception of Dugin’s immense heritage, which continues to grow literally by the day. How could he be judged by people who can’t read his seven dozen books or listen to thousands of hours of lectures? Paradoxically, but the fact is that, to some extent, we have returned to the old situation when the teachings of philosophers were known from the personal accounts of witnesses, associates, students when their sayings were hastily passed on by word of mouth. It seems to me that oral speech and lively conversations with Alexander Gelyevich say much more about him than what is contained in books, a necessary “skeleton” that remains after such conversations and speeches.

A few years later, the International Eurasian Movement and the Eurasian Youth Union were born. Nearly two decades have passed since then, dozens of youth and other NGOs have disappeared despite injections of money from the authorities – but the Eurasian Movement and Eurasian Youth have survived and grown stronger even in the total absence of orders from above and funding, their tempered representatives in the fires of Syria and Donbas. Alexander Gelyevich’s efforts in this direction were summed up by the US State Department’s imposition of sanctions in 2014 against the philosopher, who has never held any public office, and against a number of young people without connections or influence, sometimes lost in remote dwellings. It was they, not the bureaucrats and political scientists, that was rightly seen in Washington as the main threat to Atlanticist hegemony on the planet. It was Aleksander Dugin who was publicly recognized as an equal and extremely dangerous opponent by the late Zbigniew Brzezinski, as well as by George Soros and Bernard-Henri Levy, as they deeply despised and disrespected their own lackeys.
The explicit worldwide recognition of Dugin and the Eurasian Movement has caused envy and hysteria among a number of figures in Russia itself, who vainly dreamed of such recognition for themselves. This resentment has haunted Alexander Gelyevich for the last few decades, but the dog’s bark, and the caravan pass by. Even so, it would be wrong to reduce his detractors’ motives to personal resentment alone. There is another reason, more objective and even more regrettable: lack of will and fear of thinking, so common among domestic intellectuals.

When discussing the reasons for the timidity and cowardice of thinking of the vast majority of Russian (and even foreign) candidates for the rare title of philosopher, they are rooted, above all, in political issues. Many venerable academic philosophers are simply afraid to say something that is not politically correct and that goes against the liberal consensus. Self-censorship completely paralyzes thinking in its infancy, turning the speeches of such figures into unintelligible and meaningless grunts. In this sense, Aleksander Dugin is a rare example of a completely independent and fantasy-free flight, which does not stop at any conclusion. One such conclusion is the unavoidable completeness of any philosophical system, which simply has to imply quite specific applied conclusions to socio-economic questions, sociological and legal, and, of course, for politics and geopolitics. The fundamental role of geopolitics has been regularly denied by liberals and Marxists, racists and nationalists, religious fundamentalists, but time and time again on the international stage it has been confirmed with exceptional conviction. Geopolitics in Dugin’s interpretation replaces ideological chimeras with an analysis of exact and concrete forces in the international arena, their arrangement, and correlation.
In the life of a country, as in the life of a philosopher, nothing happens by chance. The date of Alexander Dugin’s birth coincides with the winter “gate of the year” of which René Guénon wrote, who died on the same day, January 7, eleven years earlier. By the way, the summer “gate of the year” coincides with the date of birth of one of Aleksander Dugin’s comrades in arms. Cosmic rhythms manifested themselves clearly on the level of human destinies.

The coherent formulations of the Fourth Political Theory complete the demolition of ideological rubbish in the sense of a “false consciousness” that has long contaminated political thought. In addition to the rhetoric of the previous century about “right” and “left”, neo-Eurasianism, founded by Dugin, offers an unconventional vertical exit beyond horizontal political coordinates.
This is why, if in the 1990s Aleksander Dugin’s speeches on integration and opposition to Atlanticism and on a multipolar world were declared to be marginal, they have now become firmly embedded in hegemonic opinion, they have become something that all analysts take for granted. given, are recorded in writing in the foundations of Russian defense and foreign policy and in the words of the President.
Nowadays, there is inevitably a problem of perception of Dugin’s immense heritage, which continues to grow literally by the day. How could he be judged by people who can’t read his seven dozen books or listen to thousands of hours of lectures? Paradoxically, but the fact is that, to some extent, we have returned to the old situation when the teachings of philosophers were known from the personal accounts of witnesses, associates, students when their sayings were hastily passed on by word of mouth. It seems to me that oral speech and lively conversations with Alexander Gelyevich say much more about him than what is contained in books, a necessary “skeleton” that remains after such conversations and speeches. Perhaps the problem with many who are still unwilling to understand and appreciate Dugin’s role has in part to do with the fact that they judge by individual pages and, blindly, are unwilling to hear the philosopher’s living voice. Sometimes such people can be blind to the double irony of Dugin’s words, or even the triple irony – when a layer of extreme seriousness hides behind seemingly sarcastic imagery.
In the life of a country, as in the life of a philosopher, nothing happens by chance. The date of Alexander Dugin’s birth coincides with the winter “gate of the year” of which René Guénon wrote, who died on the same day, January 7, eleven years earlier. By the way, the summer “gate of the year” coincides with the date of birth of one of Aleksander Dugin’s comrades in arms. Cosmic rhythms manifested themselves clearly on the level of human destinies.
Today, on the day of the cyclical fullness of the number “60”, is the right time to reflect on this. If more and more people (especially Russians) begin to think for themselves, without artificial restrictions, it would be the best tribute to the philosopher who for decades with a rare selflessness teaches us not to imitate him literally (copying is impossible and meaningless), but under the influence of its impulse, to awaken in ourselves our own thinking, which alone is capable of bringing about the ontological revolution, a conservative universal (not just political) metaphysical revolution. And if the torch of one mind lights the torches of thousands and millions of others, it will be the best reward for the hero of the age for his many years of work. Happy birthday, dear Alexander Gelyevich!
Source: Zavtra
https://theradicaloutlook.com/the-60th-birthday-of-professor-alexander-d...