Tariff war is not an episode of economic relations; it is a new world emerging. Trump wants to create the conditions inside the U.S. to bring back distributed economic assets—especially industrial ones—from abroad.  The goal is to restore economic sovereignty and generate momentum for inner development.

But the question is whether it’s already too late. Trump’s wishes could potentially damage or even destroy the American economy, given how deeply rooted the parasitic mindset is in U.S. society. Few want to produce—everyone wants to consume. It’s a parasitic nation shaped by liberalism, perversion, hedonism, and decay.  Perhaps Americans have already been irreversibly transformed into a mass of degenerate junior citizens. Then again, maybe not. We’ll see—this is the crash test.

Picture two cars speeding toward a wall: one Chinese, one American. One may survive, one may not. It’s that serious.

In my view, China could survive the crash because of its strong cultural identity and the resilience of the Chinese people. This has everything to do with the Chinese people’s historical experience—enduring immense hardship.China doesn’t exist purely in a material world but also in a Confucian ethical and spiritual one, as I understand it. Even if things worsen, China has accumulated a vast technological base and developed a huge market. It can stand alone, if needed.

I’m not so sure about the United States. Its people have been immersed in a consumerist culture while producing very little. They are, in effect, parasites. If Trump manages to “cure” them, there’s a chance the country could become strong again. Maybe America will become great again. But the crash test is now. It is unavoidable.But the crash test is here.

Russia, for its part, is already in its own crash test. We’re hurtling at full speed toward the wall—Ukraine. We are suffering heavy losses, but we endure. We are already inside the storm. Now it’s America’s turn.

This isn’t just a threat for China—it’s a threat to China. Trump wants to force the crash now rather than later. In his mercantilist worldview, China continues to grow at America’s expense. He sees China’s “win-win” strategy as a trap. While China sees mutual benefit, others see themselves as losers in a rigged game. They may reject your strategy—not because they misunderstand it, but because they refuse to accept their role in it.

Many economic agreements, investments, and projects across the Middle East, Europe, and beyond—those involving ports and infrastructure—will come under pressure from American political and military power, not just economic force. Some nations might want to partner with China economically, but they may not be able to. China’s Belt and Road Initiative is under attack, including through acts of terrorism. China will be targeted—politically, economically, and potentially militarily.

Other countries will suffer from this tariff war. They’ll be forced to reposition themselves. If they give in to Trump’s pressure, they’ll first be pushed toward independence—not from Trump, ironically, but from the globalist system that bred their dependency. In that sense, Trump is attacking the very church of liberal globalization—its parasitism, perversions, and hidden dictatorship.

Ironically, he may end up forcing countries—including the EU—to redefine themselves. Tariffed nations must respond. They must restructure their economies. Here, China could play a major role—helping these nations regain some form of independence, but in a very different way than before. A different China will be needed. A different approach.

Trump may put tariffs on Europe and simultaneously try to stop it from engaging with China or Russia. He might allow them to survive, but only on his terms. That’s war. It’s economic war. Countries under Trump’s tariff regime won’t become independent overnight. At first, they’ll be confused. They will be perplexed. They’ll think this is temporary. They don’t grasp the seriousness or depth of Trump’s vision: to completely rebuild the global system—not under liberal-globalist ideals, but under a new paradigm of “great spaces,” where power blocs assert regional control.

This may be cruel and violent, but at least it’s transparent. The imperial will to dominate no longer hides behind talk of “international rules” or a “liberal order.” It’s out in the open. If you are strong, you can withstand it. It’s not easy—but it’s honest.

Trump, however, has no real way to influence two powers: China and Russia. Everyone else bends to their will. You and we are the exceptions. That’s why we must be allies. We must remain close—supporting our friends in Iran, North Korea, and elsewhere—those striving to reclaim their sovereignty as we have.

We have many allies. But we must also accept that we can no longer play by the old rules of globalization. That game is over. Liberal elites in both China and Russia must now be discarded. They are no longer useful. They can be sacrificed without hesitation.

Editor: Zhiyu Wang

Source