The Eurasian Idea

Alexander Dugin

The Eurasian Idea represents a fundamental revision of the political, ideological, ethnic, and religious history of mankind, and it offers a new system of classification and categories that will overcome standard cliches. The Eurasian theory went through two stages - a formational period of classical Eurasianism at the beginning of the XX century by Russian emigrant intellectuals (Trubeckoy, Savickiy, Alekseev, Suvchinckiy, Iljin, Bromberg, Hara-Davan etc.) followed by the historical works of Leonid Gumilev and, finally, the constitution of neo-Eurasianism (second half of 1980's to the present).

EURASIAN COMMON HOUSE

Alexander Dugin

Continent Eurasia – cradle of human culture and civilization. Eurasian continent gave birth to different social, spiritual and political forms that constitute major substance of human history. Eurasia is dipolar. It is possessed of Europe and Asia, West end East. Human history is subsequent dialogue, dialectic energy, value and technology exchange between these two poles that lasts more than thousand years.

East and West supplement each other

Eurasia has been crossed from West to East and back by nations and civilizations. Hordes of modern Europeans far ancestors had been crossing Asian deserts and at the same time civilizations of China, India and Persia flourished with advanced philosophy, technology and life comfort. Each culture has its own historical timing, different from any other.

EURASIA ABOVE ALL

Alexander Dugin

 Eurasism in social sphere means the priority of the public principle above the individual, subordination of economic patterns to strategic, social problems. The whole economic history of Eurasia proves that the development of economic mechanisms here happens according to an  alternative logic than the liberal-capitalist, individualist patterns of personal benefit which evolved in the West on the basis of Protestant ethics. The liberal logic of management is alien to Eurasia, and despite enormous efforts there is no way to break this deep-rooted feature of our people. The collective, communitarian principle of governing the economy, the contribution of the criterion of “equity” in the distribution process – all this represent a steady feature of our economic history. Eurasism insists on a positive account and evaluation of this circumstance, and on this basis gives preference to socially-oriented economic patterns. 

   Eurasism implies a positive re-evaluation of the archaic, of the ancient. It fervently refers to the past, to the world of Tradition. The development of cultural process is seen by Eurasism in a new reference to the archaic, to the insertion of original cultural motives in the fabric of modern forms. The priority in this area is given back to national motives, to the sources of national creativity, to the continuation and revival of traditions. 

Eurasia Contra America

Justin Cowgill

The largest landmass in the world, the Eurasian continent, connects East and West via communication, transportation, and trade routes. More importantly, Eurasia has long been considered the geopolitical heartland of the world, one necessary for any future world power. Due to its historical sense of identity, vast amounts of resources, capable population, and location in the heart of Eurasia, Mother Russia is the nation most likely to take its rightful seat at the head of a new Eurasian power structure destined to offset American influence in the world and help derail the New World Order by creating a multipolar world. The Eurasian idea will likely become the official post-Soviet national ideology of Russia and a banner under which the oppressed peoples of the world can fight.

The Eurasian idea is not a new one, even though it might currently be relevant more than ever before. Russia’s Eurasian movement traces its roots back to the 18th century in the historical conflict between pro-Western “reformers,” who wished to modernize Russia by adopting Western political solutions to solve Russian problems, and Slavophiles, who saw Russia as a unique nation set apart from both the West and East, which must find its own path. The question of whether Russia is part of Europe, Asia, or something unique has had a tremendous influence on the Russian national mindset. The Slavophiles did not look kindly on Western materialism and considered the Enlightenment a source of moral decay that was destroying traditional Russian values.

Necessity of the Fourth Political Theory

Leonid Savin

We know that Marxism was a somewhat futuristic idea – Marxism prophesied the future victory of Communism at a time that nonetheless remained uncertain. In this regard it is a messianic doctrine, seeing the inevitability of its victory that would usher the culmination and end of the historical process. But Marx was a false prophet and the victory never eventuated.

Jean Baudrillard also states that this is not a clash of civilisations, but an almost innate resistance between one universal homogeneous culture and those who resist this globalisation.

Apart from liberalism two more ideologies are known for having tried to achieve world supremacy: Namely Communism (i.e. Marxism in its various aspects) and Fascism/National Socialism. As Alexander Gelyevich Dugin fairly notices, Fascism has arisen after the two ideologies and has disappeared before them. After the disintegration of the USSR the Marxism that was born in the 19th Century has been definitely discredited as well.

Vladimir Putin and the Empire

Alexander Dugin

This question asked in the beginning of Putin’s career has been created during the transmutation of the political language of current Russia from Modern into the Post-Modern. In classical language Putin as a human being is an essence, a reality, a personality in the first place. Then he’s being understood inside the political context along his political actions. This is the approach for the Age of the Enlightenment: there is Vladimir Putin, a politician, a person with certain specifics, with certain roots, and there is also his system of evaluations and thoughts. This was true until the Epoch of the Post-Modern has come...

Inside the Post-Modern a person is an empty space, because all a human being deals with is an interpretation of his/her consciousness. As a result, Vladimir Putin’s image appears not from the knowledge of Vladimir Putin, and not from the analysis of his actions, but from the language context he is in. This is why the question "Who is mister Putin?" inside the Post-Modern system has no answer at all. This is a forever open question.

Ideology of the World Government

Alexander Dugin

After the Gulf War, almost all mass media outlets in Russia, as well as in the West, injected into the common speak the formula "New World Order," coined by George Bush, and then used by other politicians including Gorbachev and Yeltsin. The New World Order, based on the establishment of a One World Government, as has been candidly admitted by odeologists of the Trilateral Commission and Bildenburg, is not simply a question of politico-economic domination of a certain "occult" ruling clique of international bankers. This "Order" bases itself on the victory on a global scale of a certain special ideology, and so the concept concerns not only instruments of power, but also "ideological revolution," a "coup d'etat" consciousness, "new thinking." Vagueness of formulations, constant secretiveness and cautiousness, deliberate mysteriousness of the mondialists do not allow, until the last moment, to clearly discern the contour of this new ideology, which they decided to impose on the peoples of the world. And only after Iraq, as if following somebody's orders, certain bans were take off and multiple publications appeared, which began to call things by their own names. So, let us try, on the basis of analysis conducted by a group of employees of the editorial board of "Elements," to, in the most general terms, define the basics of the ideology of the New World Order.

EITHER US - OR NOTHING

Alexander Dugin

The historical National-Bolsheviks (Nikisch, Ustryalov, Thiriart) have intuitively come close to this complex, but even they have faltered from the path: Nikisch saw positive meaning in technology and process, Ustryalov flirted with NEP and wasn't aware of Germany's meaning for Russia, Tieriard denied esoterism and religion, remaining a materialist pragmatic.

    National-Bolshevism is by far the most interesting phenomenon of the 20th century. It has adopted everything that fascinates us within Bolshevism or fascism. Whatever brought these ideologies to an end, contradicts with the spirit of this virtual doctrine.

    National-Bolshevism helps us understand where the anti-liberal regimes of our century went wrong and why they were bound to fall. This analysis is loyal to the past and graphic, when it comes to our time, when the "new" right and "new" left are but parodies of what even in its own time were merely parodies of the virtual National-Bolshevism.

      The Paradigm of The End

      Alexander Dugin

      The history is rivalry, the battle between two “macro-nations”, tending to universalization of their spiritual and ethical ideal at the moment of culmination of history. These are “nation of the West” (Roman-German world) and “nation of the East (Eurasian world). Gradually these two formations come to the most large-scale, purified, refined expression of their “manifest destiny”. The Manifest Destiny of “nation of West” is incarnated in conception of “10 lost tribes” of the protestant fundamentalists, underlies the planetary English dominance and later makes up the foundation of the civilization, which in reality is coming close to realization of the sole world control. “Russian truth” from the national state ascends to the state of empire and incarnates in Soviet bloc, having rallied round itself the mere half of the world.

       

      SUBJECT WITHOUT CONFINES

      Alexander Dugin

      Not only social or exclusively human existence is filled with the various types of bounds, transgressing which gives birth to various types of aggression. The structure of all reality is built just on various bounds, separating every thing and every mode of existence from all the rest ones. In some sense, the bound itself makes of every thing what the latter is by itself, being the embodiment of the difference, differentiation from the rest objects. In the most general sense, the aggression can have also a cosmic, universal dimension, showing through the violent interference of one into another. There is abundant example of aggression in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, in which the existence of a species or an individual is often sustained by doing violence to others, that makes the continuous round of transformations, assimilation and adaptations of Universe's environment and of beings, inhabiting it.
      Consequently, the aggression is something general, universal, and integral to the basis of the reality itself.

      The metaphysics of national-bolshevism

      Alexander Dugin

      The term “national-bolshevism” can mean several quite different things. It emerged practically simultaneously in Russia and Germany to signify some political thinkers` guess about a national character of bolshevik revolution of 1917, hidden in orthodox Marxism internationalist phraseology. In Russian context “national-bolsheviks” was a usual name for those communists, who tried to secure the integrity of state and (either consciously or not) continued the Great Russian historical mission geo-political policy. Those Russian national-bolsheviks were both among “whites” (Ustrialov, smenovekhovtsy, left Eurasians) and among “reds” (Lenin, Stalin, Radek, Lezhnev etc.) (1). In Germany the analogous phenomenon was associated with extremely left forms of nationalism of 20s-30s, in which the ideas of non-orthodox socialism, the national idea and positive attitude to Soviet Russia were combined. Among German national-bolsheviks Ernst Niekiesch was undoubtedly the most consistent and radical, though some conservative revolutionaries may also be referred to this movement, such as Ernst Juenger, Ernst von Salamon, August Winnig, Karl Petel, Harro Schultzen-Beysen, Hans Zehrera, communists Laufenberg and Wolffheim, and even some extremely left National-socialists, such as Strasser and, within a certain period, Josef Hoebbels.

       

      OSHYM OSHYM

      Alexander Dugin

      The glassy guys were left behind – we had set out for the East. I fell deeper asleep, having no more fear of the pensioner. I considered, that if necessary I could hit him with the huge wineglass, which was extended onward and upward by that crystal goose.

      I swam by the surface of the ocean, after the cataclysm of Australia and Oshym oshym city. Here the main thing begins. More precisely, It seemed the main thing in my sleep, in the train. The surges which carried me away were not just watery ones. A bit lower they were filled with something. I realized that I was sleeping on my back, but for all that the sensations were turned inside out, as if vice versa. On the entire surface, under the hands, grasping the void room under the dangling body, there was felt some paste.

       

      IN THE COUNTRY OF RISING "DO"

      Alexander Dugin

      Professor Tamotsu Murata told that story in the ancient little restaurant in Asakusa residential area, explaining the canvas which hanged there on a wall. The slender old profesor from a Samurai family was writing haiku poetry on a paper sheet, which opposite side was dotted with mathematic formulas. He was finishing a book on the problem of continuality.

      "I think we should seek for the source of continuum in the mistery of a moment", he had told not long before. "One day many years ago, when I was totally young, not such as I am now (the impenetrable visage, in which the smile is expressed by the unnoticeable movement of the hair), I was standing in a tiny yard, looking at the sky, and suddenly I understood, that I am. That there is I and only I. And I not as something occured, lasting, but as something momentary. Continuity is born from a revelation moment."

      The Great War of Continents

      Alexander Dugin

      In planetary history, two opposing and constantly competing approaches to the mastery of the Earth’s space, the “land” and “sea” approaches, have existed. Depending on which orientation (“land” or “sea”) this or that state, people, or nation belongs to, their historical consciousness, their foreign and domestic policies, their psychology, and their worldview accord with entirely separate rules. Given this peculiarity, it is fully possible to speak of a “land”, “continental,” or even “steppe” (“steppe” is land in its pure, ideal form) worldview, and a “sea”, “island”, “oceanic” or “aquatic” one (let us note in passing that we can find the first hints at such an approach in the works of the Russian Slavophiles, such as Khomyakov and Kireevsky).

      In the ancient history of “sea” power, Phoenicia (Carthage) became the historic symbol of “sea civilization” as a whole. The land empire opposing Carthage was Rome. The Punic Wars are the clearest example of the confrontation between “sea civilization” and “land civilization.” In modern history, England became the “island” and “sea” pole, the “mistress of the seas” followed by the giant island-continent America. 

       

      Lyapunov Time

      Alexander Dugin

      In modern physics, primarily exploring “very unbalanced conditions” and chaotic systems, there is a technical term - “Lyapunov time.” It designates a period, when a certain process (physical, mechanical, quantum, or even biological) moves beyond the bounds of precise (or probabalistic) predictability and enters a chaotic mode. In other words, the tajectory of the process is subordinate to strict laws only up to a certain moment in real time. Beyond this moment, “normal” time ends and paradoxical “Lyapunov time” (or, more precisely, “positive Lyapunov time”) takes over. The characteristics of this “time” are very curious. Unlike usual physico-mechanical time, which is regarded in classical physics as an essentialy reversible quantity (this means that time is nothing else but a static axis, adding a fouth dimension to three-dimensional space; refer to the educational Einstein model), “Lyapunov time” flows irreversibly, only in one direction, and, consequently, consists not of a once-and-for-all defined trajectory (in four-dimensional space), but of “events,” completely unpredicatable movements, which are arbitrary, accidental, irregular. Processes that occur during “Lyapunov time,” are called chaotic in contrast to processes in classical mechanics.

      Star of an Invisible Empire

      Alexander Dugin

      Jean Parvulesco sees in himself not a literary figure, but the herald of this Invisible Empire (his last book is called “Star of an Invisible Empire), speaker of the occult Parliament, consisting of the planetary elite of the “awakened.” His personality doubles, triples, quadruples in characters of his novels, among which the author himself has a place, along with his doubles, occult duplicates, and real historical personalities, other-worldly shades, shells of “external twilight,” “nominal demons,” secret agents of occult special services. Parvulesco opens an entire parallel world, not just stage decoration of individual fantasies or reminiscences. His texts are populated with frightening reality: his strange (often quite black) humor at times touches on the holy relics of religions, dogmas and canons, awakening their inner, mysterious essence, ridden of spiritually devastating fetishist reverence. 

      Following tantric presciptions, Parvulesco vivifies the language, makes it operative. That is why his texts are something more than literature. It is the magical spells and scandalous denunciations; it is the provocation of events and foretelling of their meaning; it is submergence into the Ocean of the Interior, subterranean tunnels of the Hidden, into the frightening empire of that, which exists in each one of us. That is exactly why Parvulesco can be as terrifying as any true genius: he intently and scientificaly studies us from the inside, at times getting over the known brink. The visionary anatomist.

      Hyperborea and Eurasia

      Alexander Dugin

      The ancient civilizations feared and did not understand the tribesman of Turan. They built the Great Wall and waged punitive campaigns to protect themselves, and despised and hated him, but with surprising frequency he reminded them of their own ideals. Fierce, indomitable Turan: ruthless, high-cheeked, blue-eyed, blond and high-spirited.

      Turan – Hyperborean in the broadest sense – was the source of the blood royal. Most of the imperial and royal lines in history came into the civilized zone from the North. Chinese dynasties were for the most part Turanian in origin: Hun, Toba, Khitan, Jurchen, Mongol, and finally Manchu. Alexander the Great himself was the son of a king of the northern barbarians—Philip of Macedon.

      «THE FUTURE OF RUSSIA DEPENDS ON OUR WILL» (2001)

      Alexander Dugin

       The future of Russia depends on our will, our determination, our mind. Thus I want to remark that the frontal strategies - opposition, nostalgia, restoration - on which many have counted since the end of the 1980s have finally collapsed. The gravity of the situation was never acknowledged to its full extent. We have wasted our forces in idle clashes and internal contentions. We realized that it is necessary to go by a different way. The present Russian authorities are found in the status of hostages – hostages to the foreign and domestic policy. Before the people and history they are obliged to fight for the Russian future, but just this is what the winners – the US, the globalists – will try not to allow at any cost. This is the tragedy of the authorities, the personal tragedy of President Putin. Neither the condition of our society, nor the subjective qualities of the President are those needed to begin today the revolt against the winner, the exit towards a new historical trajectory. To this purpose there are neither material, nor spiritual resources. Therefore it is a very hard road we have to follow. 

      Dugin in Washington

      Alexander Dugin

      "In principle, Eurasia and our space, the heartland Russia, remain the staging area of a new anti-bourgeois, anti-American revolution," says Aleksandr Dugin who spoke this week in Washington. A soft-spoken man, Dugin wore a black shirt and black suit, with a priestly-beard of an old Solzhenitsyn. Like Aleksandr Isievich, Dugin is also a graphomaniac with a bit of a cult following. Many clutched his two kilo Osnovny Geopolitiki (Fundamentals of Geopolitics) like Bibles as he spoke of his philosophy of Eurasianism.

      In the late 1970s, he worked in the top-secret archives of the Soviet intelligence service. In 1988, he joined the nationalist Pamyat group and later helped to write the political platform for the newly resuscitated CPRF under the leadership of Ziuganov, more nationalist than Marxist. Consistently glorifying both Tsarist and Stalinism Russia, his journal Elementy revealed Dugin's admiration for Himmler. In 1994, he and ally Eduard Limonov lead a new group— the National Bolshevik Front and became the party leader. But Aleksandr Gelevich is not simply a ignorant right-wing demagogue. He supposedly speaks fluently nine languages, including (ironically) English. Trained as a philosopher, Dugin is recrafting Marxism-Leninism “political science” into the chaotic post-Soviet political sphere. He split with Limonov, left the NBP, and created the Eurasia Party in 2002. Approaching Vladimir Putin for financial support, the Eurasia Party is believed by many to be a “virtual party” of the Kremlin (see A. Wilson, 2005). According to Dugin, his party has now gone into opposition against Putin in the past few months, and it seems that Dugin will attempt to run for the presidency in 2008 to help undermine “Project Putin."

      Alexandr Dugin's lecture on Eurasianism at Johns Hopkins University

      "In principle, Eurasia and our space, the heartland Russia, remain the staging area of a new anti-bourgeois, anti-American revolution," says Aleksandr Dugin who spoke this week in Washington. A soft-spoken man, Dugin wore a black shirt and black suit, with a priestly-beard of an old Solzhenitsyn. Like Aleksandr Isievich, Dugin is also a graphomaniac with a bit of a cult following. Many clutched his two kilo Osnovny Geopolitiki (Fundamentals of Geopolitics) like Bibles as he spoke of his philosophy of Eurasianism.In the late 1970s, he worked in the top-secret archives of the Soviet intelligence service. In 1988, he joined the nationalist Pamyat group and later helped to write the political platform for the newly resuscitated CPRF under the leadership of Ziuganov, more nationalist than Marxist.

       

      The magic disillusion of a Nationalist Intellectual (1995)

      Alexander Dugin

      I consider myself a Conservative Revolutioneer and National-Bolshevik. That is not exactly Fascism, or to say it more clearly, exactly not fascism. There were several periods during the history of fascist movements, and these periods were quite different from one another not only politically, but also philosophically and ideologically. In early Italian Fascism (which I happen to like, and I don't hesitate saying this aloud) there were many Avantgardist fronts - in social and economic spheres (Syndicalism, trade unions), in art (D'Annunzio, Marinetti, Papini, etc.), in right-wing Hegelianism that created the ideology of the Absolute State (Gentile), within esoterical seeking and Traditionalism (Evola, Reghini), and, finally, in the very Fascist way, where nihilism and anarchism ("direct action, romanticism, exotica") coexisted with the conservative ideals of nation, ethics, hierarchy, and military values. However, after the Mussolini-vatican pact and the re-established monarchy it all became rather dull, bureaucratic and uninteresting. For a while in 1943-5 the spirit of this left-wing republican Fascism resurfaced in the Salo republic (after the Conservatives betrayed Mussolini to the Americans), but that was something else.

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