The Fourth Political Theory

beyond left and right but against the center

After the Gulf War, almost all mass media outlets in Russia, as well as in the West, injected into the common speak the formula "New World Order," coined by George Bush, and then used by other politicians including Gorbachev and Yeltsin. The New World Order, based on the establishment of a One World Government, as has been candidly admitted by odeologists of the Trilateral Commission and Bildenburg, is not simply a question of politico-economic domination of a certain "occult" ruling clique of international bankers. This "Order" bases itself on the victory on a global scale of a certain special ideology, and so the concept concerns not only instruments of power, but also "ideological revolution," a "coup d'etat" consciousness, "new thinking." Vagueness of formulations, constant secretiveness and cautiousness, deliberate mysteriousness of the mondialists do not allow, until the last moment, to clearly discern the contour of this new ideology, which they decided to impose on the peoples of the world. And only after Iraq, as if following somebody's orders, certain bans were take off and multiple publications appeared, which began to call things by their own names. So, let us try, on the basis of analysis conducted by a group of employees of the editorial board of "Elements," to, in the most general terms, define the basics of the ideology of the New World Order.

The historical National-Bolsheviks (Nikisch, Ustryalov, Thiriart) have intuitively come close to this complex, but even they have faltered from the path: Nikisch saw positive meaning in technology and process, Ustryalov flirted with NEP and wasn't aware of Germany's meaning for Russia, Tieriard denied esoterism and religion, remaining a materialist pragmatic.

National-Bolshevism is by far the most interesting phenomenon of the 20th century. It has adopted everything that fascinates us within Bolshevism or fascism. Whatever brought these ideologies to an end, contradicts with the spirit of this virtual doctrine.

National-Bolshevism helps us understand where the anti-liberal regimes of our century went wrong and why they were bound to fall. This analysis is loyal to the past and graphic, when it comes to our time, when the "new" right and "new" left are but parodies of what even in its own time were merely parodies of the virtual National-Bolshevism.

The history is rivalry, the battle between two “macro-nations”, tending to universalization of their spiritual and ethical ideal at the moment of culmination of history. These are “nation of the West” (Roman-German world) and “nation of the East (Eurasian world). Gradually these two formations come to the most large-scale, purified, refined expression of their “manifest destiny”. The Manifest Destiny of “nation of West” is incarnated in conception of “10 lost tribes” of the protestant fundamentalists, underlies the planetary English dominance and later makes up the foundation of the civilization, which in reality is coming close to realization of the sole world control. “Russian truth” from the national state ascends to the state of empire and incarnates in Soviet bloc, having rallied round itself the mere half of the world.

Not only social or exclusively human existence is filled with the various types of bounds, transgressing which gives birth to various types of aggression. The structure of all reality is built just on various bounds, separating every thing and every mode of existence from all the rest ones. In some sense, the bound itself makes of every thing what the latter is by itself, being the embodiment of the difference, differentiation from the rest objects. In the most general sense, the aggression can have also a cosmic, universal dimension, showing through the violent interference of one into another. There is abundant example of aggression in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, in which the existence of a species or an individual is often sustained by doing violence to others, that makes the continuous round of transformations, assimilation and adaptations of Universe's environment and of beings, inhabiting it.
Consequently, the aggression is something general, universal, and integral to the basis of the reality itself.

The term “national-bolshevism” can mean several quite different things. It emerged practically simultaneously in Russia and Germany to signify some political thinkers` guess about a national character of bolshevik revolution of 1917, hidden in orthodox Marxism internationalist phraseology. In Russian context “national-bolsheviks” was a usual name for those communists, who tried to secure the integrity of state and (either consciously or not) continued the Great Russian historical mission geo-political policy. Those Russian national-bolsheviks were both among “whites” (Ustrialov, smenovekhovtsy, left Eurasians) and among “reds” (Lenin, Stalin, Radek, Lezhnev etc.) (1). In Germany the analogous phenomenon was associated with extremely left forms of nationalism of 20s-30s, in which the ideas of non-orthodox socialism, the national idea and positive attitude to Soviet Russia were combined. Among German national-bolsheviks Ernst Niekiesch was undoubtedly the most consistent and radical, though some conservative revolutionaries may also be referred to this movement, such as Ernst Juenger, Ernst von Salamon, August Winnig, Karl Petel, Harro Schultzen-Beysen, Hans Zehrera, communists Laufenberg and Wolffheim, and even some extremely left National-socialists, such as Strasser and, within a certain period, Josef Hoebbels.

The glassy guys were left behind – we had set out for the East. I fell deeper asleep, having no more fear of the pensioner. I considered, that if necessary I could hit him with the huge wineglass, which was extended onward and upward by that crystal goose.

I swam by the surface of the ocean, after the cataclysm of Australia and Oshym oshym city. Here the main thing begins. More precisely, It seemed the main thing in my sleep, in the train. The surges which carried me away were not just watery ones. A bit lower they were filled with something. I realized that I was sleeping on my back, but for all that the sensations were turned inside out, as if vice versa. On the entire surface, under the hands, grasping the void room under the dangling body, there was felt some paste.

Professor Tamotsu Murata told that story in the ancient little restaurant in Asakusa residential area, explaining the canvas which hanged there on a wall. The slender old profesor from a Samurai family was writing haiku poetry on a paper sheet, which opposite side was dotted with mathematic formulas. He was finishing a book on the problem of continuality.

"I think we should seek for the source of continuum in the mistery of a moment", he had told not long before. "One day many years ago, when I was totally young, not such as I am now (the impenetrable visage, in which the smile is expressed by the unnoticeable movement of the hair), I was standing in a tiny yard, looking at the sky, and suddenly I understood, that I am. That there is I and only I. And I not as something occured, lasting, but as something momentary. Continuity is born from a revelation moment."

In planetary history, two opposing and constantly competing approaches to the mastery of the Earth’s space, the “land” and “sea” approaches, have existed. Depending on which orientation (“land” or “sea”) this or that state, people, or nation belongs to, their historical consciousness, their foreign and domestic policies, their psychology, and their worldview accord with entirely separate rules. Given this peculiarity, it is fully possible to speak of a “land”, “continental,” or even “steppe” (“steppe” is land in its pure, ideal form) worldview, and a “sea”, “island”, “oceanic” or “aquatic” one (let us note in passing that we can find the first hints at such an approach in the works of the Russian Slavophiles, such as Khomyakov and Kireevsky).

In modern physics, primarily exploring “very unbalanced conditions” and chaotic systems, there is a technical term - “Lyapunov time.” It designates a period, when a certain process (physical, mechanical, quantum, or even biological) moves beyond the bounds of precise (or probabalistic) predictability and enters a chaotic mode. In other words, the tajectory of the process is subordinate to strict laws only up to a certain moment in real time. Beyond this moment, “normal” time ends and paradoxical “Lyapunov time” (or, more precisely, “positive Lyapunov time”) takes over. The characteristics of this “time” are very curious. Unlike usual physico-mechanical time, which is regarded in classical physics as an essentialy reversible quantity (this means that time is nothing else but a static axis, adding a fouth dimension to three-dimensional space; refer to the educational Einstein model), “Lyapunov time” flows irreversibly, only in one direction, and, consequently, consists not of a once-and-for-all defined trajectory (in four-dimensional space), but of “events,” completely unpredicatable movements, which are arbitrary, accidental, irregular. Processes that occur during “Lyapunov time,” are called chaotic in contrast to processes in classical mechanics.

Jean Parvulesco sees in himself not a literary figure, but the herald of this Invisible Empire (his last book is called “Star of an Invisible Empire), speaker of the occult Parliament, consisting of the planetary elite of the “awakened.” His personality doubles, triples, quadruples in characters of his novels, among which the author himself has a place, along with his doubles, occult duplicates, and real historical personalities, other-worldly shades, shells of “external twilight,” “nominal demons,” secret agents of occult special services. Parvulesco opens an entire parallel world, not just stage decoration of individual fantasies or reminiscences. His texts are populated with frightening reality: his strange (often quite black) humor at times touches on the holy relics of religions, dogmas and canons, awakening their inner, mysterious essence, ridden of spiritually devastating fetishist reverence. 

The ancient civilizations feared and did not understand the tribesman of Turan. They built the Great Wall and waged punitive campaigns to protect themselves, and despised and hated him, but with surprising frequency he reminded them of their own ideals. Fierce, indomitable Turan: ruthless, high-cheeked, blue-eyed, blond and high-spirited.

Turan – Hyperborean in the broadest sense – was the source of the blood royal. Most of the imperial and royal lines in history came into the civilized zone from the North. Chinese dynasties were for the most part Turanian in origin: Hun, Toba, Khitan, Jurchen, Mongol, and finally Manchu. Alexander the Great himself was the son of a king of the northern barbarians—Philip of Macedon.

 The future of Russia depends on our will, our determination, our mind. Thus I want to remark that the frontal strategies - opposition, nostalgia, restoration - on which many have counted since the end of the 1980s have finally collapsed. The gravity of the situation was never acknowledged to its full extent. We have wasted our forces in idle clashes and internal contentions. We realized that it is necessary to go by a different way. The present Russian authorities are found in the status of hostages – hostages to the foreign and domestic policy. Before the people and history they are obliged to fight for the Russian future, but just this is what the winners – the US, the globalists – will try not to allow at any cost. This is the tragedy of the authorities, the personal tragedy of President Putin. Neither the condition of our society, nor the subjective qualities of the President are those needed to begin today the revolt against the winner, the exit towards a new historical trajectory. To this purpose there are neither material, nor spiritual resources. Therefore it is a very hard road we have to follow. 

"In principle, Eurasia and our space, the heartland Russia, remain the staging area of a new anti-bourgeois, anti-American revolution," says Aleksandr Dugin who spoke this week in Washington. A soft-spoken man, Dugin wore a black shirt and black suit, with a priestly-beard of an old Solzhenitsyn. Like Aleksandr Isievich, Dugin is also a graphomaniac with a bit of a cult following. Many clutched his two kilo Osnovny Geopolitiki (Fundamentals of Geopolitics) like Bibles as he spoke of his philosophy of Eurasianism.

I consider myself a Conservative Revolutioneer and National-Bolshevik. That is not exactly Fascism, or to say it more clearly, exactly not fascism. There were several periods during the history of fascist movements, and these periods were quite different from one another not only politically, but also philosophically and ideologically. In early Italian Fascism (which I happen to like, and I don't hesitate saying this aloud) there were many Avantgardist fronts - in social and economic spheres (Syndicalism, trade unions), in art (D'Annunzio, Marinetti, Papini, etc.), in right-wing Hegelianism that created the ideology of the Absolute State (Gentile), within esoterical seeking and Traditionalism (Evola, Reghini), and, finally, in the very Fascist way, where nihilism and anarchism ("direct action, romanticism, exotica") coexisted with the conservative ideals of nation, ethics, hierarchy, and military values. However, after the Mussolini-vatican pact and the re-established monarchy it all became rather dull, bureaucratic and uninteresting. For a while in 1943-5 the spirit of this left-wing republican Fascism resurfaced in the Salo republic (after the Conservatives betrayed Mussolini to the Americans), but that was something else.